Culture as Commodity: Investigations at an Ethnic Supermarket

One of my earliest posts talked about how food was a uniting force in an interfaith marriage. I want to return to this discussion on food today because food is one of easiest expressions of culture to export. When immigrants leave their homeland, they leave behind their networks, childhood homes, and all that is familiar—except food. Globalization has resulted in easy access to exotic spices, putting native dishes within reach for immigrant communities.

A Desi (meaning, of the subcontinent) supermarket opened in my neighborhood recently—it's the first of it's kind which makes it an exciting prospect next to Key Food and King Kullen (although the latter has a fairly impressive offering of "ethnic" products). Ethnic supermarkets can be a great opportunity for cultural exploration: a visit to one of these establishments can tell you much about the foods people eat and relate to, which in turn can be somewhat revealing about people themselves. This particular supermarket though doesn't limit itself to one culture—believe it or not, its sign proclaims that it has Pakistani, Indian, Bangladeshi, Guyanese, Spanish, and American foods for sale. Diversity can be particularly revealing in this instance. The multitude of different cultural offerings can reveal a at least two interesting insights:

• First, the products can show us what Pakistanis, Indians, Bengalis, and Guyanese West Indians hold in common food-wise—given that they all share a common heritage.
• Second, the ownership is Bengali, so the products for sale can tell us how the other cultures are viewed by a particular immigrant group.

Image: Sign at the back of the grocery.

So let's take the first point, shall we? What do the products for sale tell us about commonalities between Pakistanis, Indians, Bengalis, and Guyanese West Indians?

Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh share close ties on the subcontinent. Though these nations are home to different societies, they share a cultural heritage cemented by history, geography, and climate. Social elements, such as diet and dress, were established centuries ago before these places existed separately when the people of the region determined strategies for managing daily life.  Guyanese West Indians hold this heritage in their history, but they have also been exposed to varying degrees of assimilation as both indentured laborers and voluntary immigrants. Despite the political, religious, cultural, and geographical differences that now separate these people, they share a food history.

Rice is a staple in Indian-based diets (and in the diets of many people around the world). Mannan has a respectable aisle of rices from various regions. Rice originated in South Asia and parts of Africa, however trade has spread rice cultivation throughout the world. It is a resilient species, and can be grown almost anywhere.

 Image: Rice Aisle.

Curry dishes are also very popular. Curry refers to the sauce that accompanies a dish, which is made from a combination of spices, including turmeric, cumin, coriander, and red pepper in addition to other spices that can change the character of the dish—not all curry dishes are spicy, for example. The practice of "currying" a dish has been widely exported, in part as a result of colonialism, resulting in many different adaptations of the base spices listed.

Image: A collection of Indian curries.

Image: Curries have spread through the world. Shown here: Jamaican curry (popular among West Indians)

Achars (pl.), or Indian pickles, chutneys, and pepper sauces are important condiments that have also survived and spread with colonialism and trade. They add a spicy or sweet addition to any dish, and some can even be eaten by themselves as a snack.

Image: Carrot pickles.

Image: Pepper sauces are particularly popular in the West Indies.

Food preparation techniques are also shared between these groups. Mannan carries an wide range of cooking implements, such as the tawah, which is used to prepare assorted flatbreads, known as roti. The dough for roti is rolled out on a chakla. Traditional chaklas are made from stone, but wooden ones have become fairly popular for their portability. The chakla provides a stable, even surface to work the dough on.

Image: Light iron tawah.

 

Image: Wooden chakla and rolling pin.

These similarities demonstrate an acknowledgment of a shared heritage. While these groups may not otherwise interact, in a foreign environment their shared histories and traditions bring them together in commerce.

Regarding the seond question: What does a Bengali-owned Pakistani, Indian, Guyanese, Spanish, and American grocery reveal about perceptions concerning others—namely the host society? It's an interesting revelation because 95% of the store is devoted to South Asian ethnic products. Therefore the "American" items they choose to sell must be significant. They tell us how American's are perceived. The biggest "American" aisle was stocked with assorted pastas and tomato-based sauces. Now this does not mean that all that Americans are perceived to eat is pasta and sauces, but it gives us the sense that the owners of this establishment and perhaps the patrons as well believe that this is what Americans would most likely be looking for if they entered this store seeking "American" products. Perhaps the idea is that some harried mom needs a quick dinner or a jar of sauce and can't make it to one of the other groceries which are farther away. They are marketing the product they think may sell.

 

Image: Assorted pastas in the "American" foods aisle.

 Image: Pasta accompaniments.

Multi-ethnic groceries are a goldmine for cultural information. The next time you're out and you come across one, don't hesitate to head in and browse. Pay attention to what's on the shelves and you'll learn something about your fellow shoppers. And your own supermarket, even if its a generic one may have some interesting truths to reveal—particularly if you have an ethnic representation in your neighborhood. Is there anything interesting on the shelves at your local grocery?

Someone's Always Watching: Network Implications of The Gross National Happiness Index

Remember our discussion about networks? Well, Facebook has been tracking status updates for the past two years. (For those of you concerned about what they've been reading—what exactly have you been posting, hmmm?—they assure the public that all data collected was stripped of indentifying markers, so no one is actually tracking how many times you posted while you were supposed to be doing something productive, like, say working.) So what have they been tracking? Words. According to this article from the New York Times, they've been counting how many times you've said things like "Woo-hoo!" or "Yay!" or "doubt" or tragic" or "sad". They've taken this data and found patterns relating to the days of the week, holidays, celebrity deaths, and national events, resulting in the United States Gross National Happiness Index.

Essentially, the more positive words in your status, the more positive a day it is. Facebook researchers defined positive and negative using Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count software. The patterns they've found aren't necessarily anything that we probably haven't already intuited: Mondays are no one's favorite, on Friday's we're full of anticipation for the weekend, and everyone's relaxed on holidays. Markerters are probably salivating at the chance to peruse this data as it has effectively collected more information than most SEO strategies in the same time period, but it does make you think about the vast amount of data floating around on the web—and who's using it for what purpose.

I bring this back to our discussions on networks because I'm curious to what extent our Facebook statuses are influenced by our peers. For example, on Monday morning are you more likely to post a "Blah, it's Monday" type message because you want to commiserate with your peers? Similarly, on holidays are your messages more upbeat in an effort to share the holiday with others? Wired has already shown us how we can study the spread of happiness through a network, and we have seen from other data the influence our networks exert—can we extend this to emotional states as well?

Understanding Otherness: 10 Lessons We Can Learn From Tourists

When anthropologists go into the field, they do so to study the "other"—i.e., the people and their culture that is different and distant from the anthropologist's own native history. Globalization has reduced some of the alien nature assigned to the other. Ethnically diverse neighborhoods, like Jackson Heights, reveal a mixing of cultures and traditions that was not possible in the early beginnings of anthropology. Yet the other still encompasses a sense of the foreign.

Entering their fieldwork sites, anthropologists are as much others to the host culture as their ethnographic subjects are others to them. In those early months, while becoming acclimated to the host culture and finding their places in the host society, anthropologists are very much like tourists—although I have to stress that no anthropologist would think of herself in that way. The worst thing one could anthropologically be is a tourist. After all, tourists are largely ignorant of the host society's norms and are transient whereas anthropologists look for acceptance to the host society by adopting the host culture as their own and establishing lifelong ties to the community where they work.

Nonetheless, anthropologists on their earliest field forays tend to stick out sorely. And in truth, it's to be expected to a certain degree—culture shock can be minimized, but not avoided entirely. However brief the period of adjustment, it does place a certain degree of stress on the host culture which is also experiencing a period of adjustment. To explain this point, let's consider tourists in New York City—the ever-present others who walk among us regularly. In New York City, tourists are tolerated. Yes, they bring revenue to the economy, but they also clutter the sidewalks and transportation systems. New Yorkers flow around them, accommodating them with barely concealed expressions of annoyance. The cultural and social stress they generate is real, but ethnographic researchers can learn a great deal from this group. Persons interested in responsible tourism may also find this information worthwhile. (Responsible tourists don't simply consume the host cultures they visit; they are mindful of their potential for social disruption and take steps to minimize interrupting social flow.)

Minimizing this type of transitional stress is integral to successful ethnography. Tourists can teach us much about signals of otherness. Here are 10 identifying markers drawn from observing tourists that can be interpreted as social otherness:

1. They are not dressed for work on a work day. 

As the saying goes, "When in Rome, do as the Romans do." Nothing makes you stand out more than your mode of dress—which is certainly held as a primary form of self-expression in the United States. Nonetheless, anthropologists looking to establish themselves in their field sites would be well advised that if their hosts wear hats made out of palm leaves, they should do so as well. In fact, the State Department's website actually cautions travelers to certain countries—women in particular—to adopt conservative fashion styles and to research customs and traditions. Of course, tourists are on vacation, and there are many people who don't have a prescribed form of "business" dress, but there is an overall sense of colors and style that infiltrate a region or even a locality. The bottom line is that you should know where you are going—do some research beforehand.

Image: In a "suit" culture, the non-suit tends to stand out.

 

Image: Can you identify the tourists in this photo based on dress?

2. They travel in groups.

There is certainly some truth to safety in numbers, and it's wonderful to share new experiences with people you love and care about, but groups attract attention. It's easier to fold an individual into the social rhythm, than it is for a group to blend in.

Image: Tour group in front of Federal Hall.

3. They prominently carry, display, and use cameras.

Photos provide timeless records—but be mindful of what and whom you are photographing. Don't lose awareness of where you are just to get a photograph.

 

Image: Photo opportunities are everywhere—but don't lose awareness of your surroundings in seeking that perfect shot.

4. They take "unusual" photos.

Of course it's new to you—but "natives" pass it every single day, and they probably take it for granted. And if they do notice it, they really aren't creating artful poses for the camera—unless perhaps they're looking for a new Facebook photo. Again, photos provide a valuable record, so take them! But again, consider the image you are projecting with your camera strapped prominently around your neck. Ethnographers may want to opt for something a bit more discrete.  And don't lose sight of social context. There are plenty of native shutterbugs. If you're trying to blend in, figure out when they come out and time your photographic adventures accordingly. And if you need an unusual shot for your Facebook profile—and it breaks with the ebb and flow of the host culture—do it quickly and without attracting too much attention.

Image: "Artful" picture taking on a street corner.

5. They carry fanny packs/large backpacks.

Okay, so I spent some time talking about the increased presence of large bags on the subways, but this goes back to the first signal—if fanny packs aren't the norm, don't carry them! And unless you're working and living with a nomadic people, there's no need to carry all your belongings with you. Plus large backpacks can make you a target for less savory characters—bottom line: you want to be able to move with the flow of pedestrian traffic easily and comfortably.

Image: Carrying large backpacks all day is surely tiring.

 

Image: Are fanny packs the universal symbol of tourism?

6. They lounge.

In most work environments, people move purposefully. Of course, ethnographers will eventually want to meet people in a relaxed environment when they are more apt to talk, but unless you're in a recreational area, such as a park, or a social meeting place, lounging about signifies that you have no where else to be—and ultimately, that you don't fit into the social milieu.

Image: George Washington's statue is a popular resting spot for tourists.

7. They often look confused.

So you're in a new place on your own, and it's the first time you've ventured out. The sights and sounds are unfamiliar and the language is different. Yes, even the smells are different. This is not home! Don't panic and don't stand around looking lost and confused. Anthropologists—and really anyone looking to settle into an unknown—have to work at fitting in. So do some research before you leave your hotel room or apartment: read maps, check guidebooks, etc. Create a plan for each day that takes you farther away from your comfort zone. Make friends with a "native" if possible until you're comfortable wandering about on your own. If you want to belong, you have to plan to do so.

 

Image: "Where do we go from here?"

8. They openly read guidebooks.

See No. 7.

Image: Leave your trusty guidebook in your apartment.

9. They disrupt the social flow of traffic.

I think this one is the most important. I talked briefly about the stress the other creates for the host. One of the ways this occurs is through the disruption of the social rhythms of the host society. Every society has a flow, a pattern. It's not necessarily something you can learn from books. To fully understand the social flow of a place, you have to witness it, and your body needs to adjust to it. Research is still important—it will give you a sense of what to expect. A good way to acclimate to the social ebb and flow is through observation. In the early days of fieldwork, finding a good "people-watching" spot is key (and you can bring your maps and guidebooks with you for some reading on the side).

Image: Stopping on a street corner to answer a phone call holds up the pedestrian traffic and interrupts the social flow and rhythm.

 

Image: Note what the "natives" do and follow along—take phone calls out of the line of traffic.

10. They ride tour buses while wearing yellow ponchos.

In this age of globalization, every country has a tourism trade. If you don't want to get lumped in with these others, learn what the tourist traps are and avoid them. If the natives aren't doing it, you probably want to avoid it as well—unless, of course, you're studying tourism.

Image: Downtown tour bus.

The general theme that emerges regarding signals of otherness is that there are patterns to every culture and society. Ethnographers don't come into a social setting unarmed. They sometimes spend years preparing before reaching their field sites. Nonetheless, transitions can be difficult. Understanding markers of otherness can be the first step in easing the disruptions a lack of social knowledge can cause.

Do you think there are additional markers of otherness that tourists can reveal?

Hey, I Know That Tree! Extracting Social Understanding from Local Landscapes

The New York Times recently ran a story about a 600-year-old oak in Douglaston, NY that had to be cut down as a result of rot. Six hundred years (age estimated—determining the age of a tree is actually way more complicated than just counting rings) is a long time. If the estimates are correct, that tree was here long before the Dutch arrived and "purchased" this land from the Lenape—and if trees could talk, it would probably have a lots stories in the tree vein of "When I was your age, I walked 10 miles in the snow to get to school, barefoot and uphill, both ways" to share. There's been a mixed reaction to the removal of the tree. Clearly, it's a part of the neighborhood and local history—it has seen generations of children grow up—and the people who don't want to see it go are in fact incensed that it's being dismantled. Others seem to think that the tree has had a long life and is being removed with the closest thing to dignity one can afford a tree.

So why am I talking about this tree? Anthropology focuses on people, right? In fact, the cornerstone of anthropology, ethnography, makes people its primary subject. But more and more, anthropologists are looking to alternative sources for information regarding the social lives of the people whom they study. Landscapes are one such alternative. Much of social life is lived unconsciously—we know how to be in our societies, and don't spend much time deliberating over nuances of daily life. Landscapes offer a physical way to track the changes a population experiences. They are therefore a reflection of social world for specific populations, and can be looked to as a source of ethnographic information because they are constructed in two very real ways. First, landscapes are shaped by aesthetic and ideological histories to reflect interpretations and symbols of the people who live there. Second, they are shaped by the evolution of human labor. According to the former idea, the tree has been permitted to grow and thrive even as Douglaston grew and developed around it as a symbol of the neighborhood. And with regard to the latter idea, the tree is being removed because we can remove the tree instead of letting it rot naturally. So in theory, landscapes are not natural—at least they haven't been since humans have learned how to manipulate the environment. But this also is the reason landscapes are such rich repositories of social knowledge: they have been specifically crafted to have meanings.

Image: Wall Street 1867 (Public Domain). View looking East from Nassau St. toward the East River.

Image: The Buttonwood Tree on Wall Street (Public Domain), year unknown. 

New York recently marked the 400th anniversary of Henry Hudson's voyage into New York Harbor and up the river that now bears his name. National Geographic's feature article for September explored some of the changes the land has undergone since Hudson marveled at the lush greenery—for example, I doubt you've encountered a stream in Times Square recently, or had to navigate around the polluted Collect where Foley Square now stands. And if we've ever had anything close to Elfreth's Alley in New York City, it's long gone now as is the Buttonwood Tree under which 24 brokers formed what we now know as the New York Stock Exchange. (The Museum of American Finance has a copy of the Buttonwood Agreement here.)

Image: NY Harbor, 2009. Picture taken from Battery Park. It was a windy day and the surf was rather rough. The National Geographic article mentions that Hudson found the water to be "faire." In Hudson's time, this shot would not have been possible—the park was built on landfill in the 1800s. And yes, that is Lady Liberty in the distance. She was unveiled in 1886.

Of course, New York has a rich history in this regard. However, unlike places like Philly and DC, it's a not a place that really markets that history. Instead, more in keeping with the personality of the city, culture and history often get rolled into progress and are repurposed—cobblestones get paved over, buildings from the 1830s (such as 213 Pearl St.) are turned into parking garages, and so on. (You can read more about 213 Pearl St. here and here.) So while we might know that Captain Kidd was a resident of what we now call the downtown area, an office building now stands where his home once was. (Hey, at least you don't have to pay admission to see the office building!)

Image: An office building now stands at the site of the fearsome Captain Kidd's home in Hanover Square.

The island has been stretched, repaved, and rebuilt countless times. New York City is constantly reinventing itself to match the ever-changing population. This map provides a look at how the actual shape of Manhattan has developed over the years. (Natural coastline? Fugettaboutit! New Yorkers—particularly those downtown—are walking on ancient trash heaps in some places! Use the "Vertical Scroll" to see what I mean.) But just as the Old Oak of Douglaston will pass into memory, so too have many of the changes the city has undergone passed from the collective consciousness—and really, we can't remember everything or there'd be no need for history. But there are clues if you're willing to look—and what we have left with can tell us the story of Manhattan's development.

Image: Intersection of Water St. and Wall, 2009. This spot once marked the end of the wall constructed here—and the end of the island. View looking east toward the water.

Image: The East River, 2009. I had to walk an additional two blocks after taking the picture above to reach the water's edge, when I would have been standing on the water's edge at Wall and Water in 1609.

 

Image: Activity on the East River. 

The three images above provide a good example of the expansion the city has undergone. We've grown the equivalent of two whole blocks in this particular area! The "missing" land was filled in with shells (from the river) and landfill as the colony grew. We diminished the span of the river, but this did nothing to reduce it's importance in travel and commerce. In Activity on the East River, a ferry enters the shot from the right, with active Brooklyn shipping docks in the background. In the images below, we can see the same type of expansion.

Image: Looking west on Wall St. toward Trinity Church.

Image: A bit dark, but always welcoming, Trinity Church once marked the other end of the island. Life now extends well beyond the church—you can see buildings in progress in the background. Corner of Nassau St. and Wall St., 2009.

Downtown does not always follow the neat grids that outline the rest of the city. The streets follow the original lay of the land, twisting and turning at odd angles to reflect the paths people traveled to accommodate the small streams that were common to the area. And since the first settlers did not arrive with automobiles, most streets are only wide enough to permit carts to pass.

Image: Tourist map of the downtown area. Note how the streets deviate from the grid pattern found elsewhere in the city.

Image: Pearl Street, 2009. Pearl Street was once nothing more than a dirt path. It got its name when it was lined with shells. Instead of cars, you would have been more likely to see traffic jams with livestock and wooden carts.

Image: Exchange Street, 2009. Between William St. and Hanover Sq. Short "alleys" like this are common to the area. Their hodgepodge arrangement remind us that space was at a premium even in the early days of the colony. Today, this road is not really used (except for parking).

Despite the constant march forward, sometimes we do remember. There are still cobblestone streets downtown, and Wall Street just completed a massive project to repave portions of the street with cobblestones—I've heard that it was done for monetary reasons (film permits for cobblestone streets bring higher revenue than film permits for regular paved streets), but it is a nice reminder of the past. Of course, the days when carts trundled up the dirt track that would become a financial pulse in the global economy are long gone, but it forces us to recognize an element of our history.

Image: Wall Street, 2009. Re-cobbling of Wall Street.

There are some striking symbols here that have survived the passing of time to become integral to the landscape of downtown New York City, such as Wall Street, Trinity Church, and the reappearance of the cobblestones. There is also evidence of humanity's progression in the forced expansion of the island. Clearly a relationship must exist between the social world and the physical one—a relationship that lives on even after the removal of an icon, as in the case of the Douglaston Oak. If we can understand anything from these photos, it's that the removal of the oak will have a profound effect on the community. Something may be built where that oak once stood, with time the relationship residents of Douglaston have with their neighborhood will shift, and the oak will pass into the annals of history.

Our needs for growth and space have not changed much since the early days of the colony—who knows how we will shift the landscape to meet them in the coming days.

Has your neighborhood changed over the years? What landmarks from your social world have been removed and/or replaced? Chime in below!

Status Symbols or Something More? Battling Big Bags on the Subway

First there were those weird shoe-slipper things called Crocs. Then came skinny jeans (which I'm still hoping will go away). And now it seems that fashion has increased the popularity of the tote. (For any men out there who don't know what a tote is, it's a largish-type shoulder bag.) Try boarding a bus or subway car during rush hour and report back on whether you had to squeeze in between a multitude of large bags. If you were able to secure a seat, did you have to practice defensive maneuvers to avoid being smacked in the head by the bag the person standing in front of you was carrying? Both men and women appear to be carrying more luggage with them during their daily travels—could this be more than a fashion statement?

Image: This large black tote that sat next to me on the subway.

Image: Adult men from all backgrounds with backpacks are growing increasingly common on the subway.

Are people "packing it in" more? NYC is a very mobile city—if you're traveling about the city, you never know where you'll wind up, so it pays to carry extra reading material, an umbrella, a bottle of water, some snacks, and really whatever else is essential to meet your daily needs. But NYC is also a place where you can easily pick up most necessities as you go along. For example, if it looks like rain, you can be sure you'll encounter an umbrella vendor before the raindrops do any real damage. (A definite question for another day: Where do umbrella vendors emerge from? Really, they're better than the weather folks at predicting rain.) So are people carrying more with them as a result of the recession?

Image: Woman on subway with large canvas tote. The woman with the purple tote was kind enough to share the contents of her bag with me.

While taking pictures for this post, a woman carrying a large purple bag caught my eye (see above). She caught me in the act of photographing a particularly nice tote specimen on the subway; I was nearing my stop, so I gave up my seat and went to stand near her. I didn't have much time, but I explained I was writing an article about bags—totes in particular—and asked if she would tell me about some of the items she fit into her large purple bag. I really didn't expect her to answer, but she did! She was carrying an umbrella, her lunch containers, two bottles of water, a sweater, and "lots of little things." Buoyed by her forthrightness, I then asked a man carrying a large messenger bag if he would share the contents of his bag, and he also revealed water bottles and lunch containers, as well as a baggie of grapes.

Image: Man with large messenger bag—he had snacks!

I wonder if the increase in large bags being used by both women and men reflects a reality of the recession—that is, are more people are relying less on disposable items and carrying more with them? Whether it's lunch from home (in a reusable container), water in a sports bottle, snacks packed in baggies, an umbrella, extra reading material, or even extra hair clips, people seem to be packing in it and taking it with them. This is really an instance where I wish I had been blogging a year ago because perhaps then I might have some evidence via my subway photos to support or refute this claim.  It would be interesting to note the percentage of large totes and bags on the subway in 2007 in comparison to the percentage of totes and backpacks as the credit crisis unfurled.

Image: Man and woman on subway platform. What role does necessity play in fashion?

If necessity is the mother of innovation, is it also a driving force in fashion? Designers such as Coach, Louis Vuitton, and Dooney & Bourke are unveiling lines of larger totes and sacks—are they matching design to fit with what has been called the "new" economic mentality or are they setting the new chic? It does, after all, make good marketing sense to design products that people will buy—and if people are looking for function over form moreso than they have done in the past, then they are establishing a new norm, and a new market.

Image: Totes are pretty handy—you can fit almost anything in there!

So, what are you carrying about these days?